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European Association of Psychoanalysis


 The Pretense of Psychology as Science:
 The Myth of Mental Illness in Statu Nascendi


 If I was profoundly shocked by the Varieties [of Religious Experience, by
WilliamJames], that was not because some of the facts described in it were such
as I would rather not hear about. They were, on the whole, amusing. Nor was it
because I thought James was doing his work clumsily. I thought he did it very
well. It was because the whole thing was a fraud. . . . Psychology. . .
regarded as the science of the mind, is not a science. It is what "phrenology" was
in the early nineteenth century, and astrology and alchemy in the Middle Ages
and the sixteenth century: the fashionable scientific fraud of the age. . . .
There were, I held, no merely moral actions, no merely political actions, and
no merely economic actions. Every action was moral, political, and economic.
     R.G. Collingwood (1889-1943; 1978: 93, 95, 149)

 In the Age of Faith, religion pretended to be a science, offering allegedly empirical observations about God and his works. In the Age of Science, psychology and psychiatry pretend to be sciences, offering allegedly empirical observations about the functions and malfunctions of the human mind. Much modern intellectual and political mischief rests upon this false and pretentious claim.
The epistemologically misleading character of the two principal "mental sciences" is inherent in their respective definitions. Wikipedia Encyclopedia identifies psychology as "an academic and applied field involving the study of the human mind, brain, and behavior. Psychology also refers to the application of such knowledge to various spheres of human activity, including problems of individuals' daily lives and the treatment of mental illness." Interestingly, Wikipedia then describes how "Psychology differs from anthropology, economics, political science, and sociology. . . ." and from "biology and neuroscience," but is silent about how psychology differs from psychiatry.
Psychiatry, Wikipedia tells us, "refers to the practice of medicine relating to the mind and behavior. . . . It is a subspecialty of medical practice. . . . While all clinicians encounter patients with mental illnesses and any of them may treat it, psychiatrists specialize in these areas." Missing from these definitions is acknowledgment that the most constant and most characteristic element of so-called mental treatments is and has always been the coercion of the "patient" by the "doctor."
 To be sure, many psychologists pursue work unrelated to mental illnesses and mental treatments, and some psychiatrists deal with voluntary mental patients. In this essay, however, I shall use the terms "psychologist" and "psychiatrist" to refer to persons whose professional roles are defined or shaped by mental health laws, that is, coercion. Why do I emphasize the central role of coercion in psychology and psychiatry? Because in my view voluntary mental health relations differ from involuntary mental health interventions the same way as, say, sexual relations between consenting adults differ from the sexual assaults we call "rape." I maintain that it is essential-morally and politically-not merely to distinguish between coerced and consensual "therapeutic" relations, but to contrast them. The terms "psychology" and "psychiatry" ought to be applied to one or the other, but not both.
 Mental healing, qua psychology or psychiatry, resembles religion, not medicine or science. Asserting that a respected social institution-such as religion, psychology, or psychiatry-rests on a farrago of fables is disrespectful of received opinion and dangerous. It took us, in the West, a long time before we rejected coercion in the name of religion and punished instead of praised the person who embraced violence in the name of God (Seager, 1933). I believe we ought also to reject coercion in the name of mental health and condemn instead of commend the person who embraces violence in the name of mental healing.

 The humoral theory of disease, let us remember, was alive and well a mere 150 years ago. As long as that theory prevailed, there was only one kind of disease, humoral. The idea of two kinds of diseases-one bodily, the other mental-is a product of the scientific revolution; more specifically, of nineteenth century empirical-scientific medicine, based on anatomical and physiological observation and measurement.
I coined the term "myth of mental illness" in 1960 to suggest that the distinction between bodily illness and mental illness rests on a misuse of the term "illness." If we restrict the use of the term "illness" (or "disease") to observable biological -anatomical and physiological-phenomena, then, by definition, the term "mental illness" is a misnomer or metaphor. Mind is not matter, hence mental illness is a figure of speech.
The great nineteenth-century neuropsychiatrists regarded this view as a given:

 In practice, none of this is true. Medicine and law continue to distinguish between neurology and psychiatry, between laws regulating the rights and duties of persons suffering from neurological diseases such as syringomyelia, and the rights and duties of persons suffering from psychiatric diseases such as schizophrenia. What
accounts for this disjunction between academic-political declarations about mental illness and the legal-social realities of mental health practices? Answering that question fully requires a reprising of the history of psychiatry. Here I limit myself to showing that the idea of mental illness qua medical disease is a product of modern materialist-reductionist psychology/psychiatry.

 The modern history of the mind is a tapestry woven with two different strands, one concerned with "mental healing," another with "mental illness." At the dawn of the age of mental healing, the practice was called "Mesmerism." Freud named it "psychoanalysis." Stefan Zweig aptly dubbed it Heilung durch den Geist, "healing by means of the spirit" (Zweig, 1962). We call it "psychotherapy" or "talk therapy." The subject is important because controversy regarding the nature and scientific status of mental healing antedates and prefigures the controversy regarding the nature and scientific status of mental illness, psychiatry, and psychology.
 Noted psychiatric historians, such as Henri Ellenberger and Gregory Zilboorg, trace the origin of modern psychotherapy to the work of Franz Anton Mesmer (1733-1815) (Ellenberger, 1970: 53; Zilboorg, 1941: 347). They do so because he had established-or so Ellenberger and Zilboorg believe-that suggestion ("hypnosis") is a genuine medical method of treating bodily ailments. In my view, Mesmer's so-called therapeutic successes prove the power of human gullibility, resting on man's ultimate helplessness and quasi-religious need for dependence on benevolent (theological or medical) authority. The power and universality of this need is aptly expressed in the adage, "There are no atheists in foxholes." Mutatis mutandis, there are no medical skeptics in operating rooms.
 Mesmer's work must be situated in the context of his age. The eighteenth century was a period of revolutions-political and scientific. Although the phenomenon physicists call "magnetism" had been known since antiquity, the fabrication and sale of magnets, mainly to scientific investigators and terrestrial navigators, began only around 1740. The famous Leyden Jar-a simple electrical capacitor that could be used to give a person a sudden, albeit weak, shock and which quickly became a show-business prop and sensation-was invented about 1745, by a Dutch physicist at the University of Leyden. In 1752, Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790), invented the lightning rod, a feat that made him the first modern "scientific celebrity." Finally, in 1780, the Italian scientist Luigi Galvani (1737-1798) discovered the electric current and what he mistakenly thought was "animal electricity." It was in this atmosphere of scientific discovery along with medical quackery and popular showmanship that Mesmer, an Austrian physician, "discovered" what he thought was "animal magnetism," a mysterious "force" and substance (fluidum) to which he attributed vast therapeutic powers (Szasz, 1978/1988: 43-66).
 The twentieth century, too, has been a revolutionary period, in politics, science, and medical quackery. In medicine, many important discoveries and new treatments rested on novel uses of electricity and magnetism, such as the x-ray, computerized axial tomography (CT scan), positron emission tomography (PET scan), and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), not to mention radio, television, computers, and the Internet. It is in this atmosphere that modern-day Mesmers discover near-miraculous cures for mental illnesses making use of electrical-magnetic devices, such as
electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), vagus nerve stimulation (VNS), deep brain stimulation (DBS), and transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS). Other "therapeutic breakthroughs" make use of pharmacotherapies modeled after antibiotics, called "antipsychotic medications." I am not concerned here with whether these interventions are considered by some to be "effective." I list them only to set the stage for my subsequent remarks about the alleged illnesses they supposedly treat.
 Although we live in an age of far greater scientific and technological sophistication than did people in the eighteenth century, human gullibility remains undiminished. Perhaps it is a kind of existential constant, drawing its force from people's seemingly unappeasable need to believe in, and submit to, authority. Today, people are especially credulous concerning matters having to do with the "mind"-its alleged material (anatomical, chemical, electrical) basis, its functions and malfunctions, and, most pressingly, the supposed diseases to which it is subject and the appropriate treatments for them. Social historians are familiar with the roles that the great nineteenth-century psychiatrists and the pioneer psychoanalysts played in exploiting this credulity. Less familiar is the role in this story of William James (1842-1910), whose boundless naïveté about mental matters is hidden by his stature as America's greatest psychologist, one of the founders of the modern science of psychology and of the American Psychological Association.

 James's obituary in The New York Times was entitled, "William James Dies; Great Psychologist, Brother of Novelist and Foremost American Philosopher Was 68 Years Old." It summarized his work in these words: "Virtual Founder of Modern American Psychology, and Exponent of Pragmatism and Dabbled in Spooks. Long Harvard Professor" (James, 1910). James's essay on religious belief, tellingly titled "The Will to Believe"; his famous book, Varieties of Religious Experience; and his credulous participation in "spiritualism" all testify to his own deeply-felt need "to believe," if necessary, in the sense of credo quia absurdum est. ("I believe because it is absurd." Usually attributed to Tertullian, c. 160-220.) Less well-known, but of greater interest to the subject of mental illness and psychiatric treatment, is James's 1892 essay, "A plea for psychology as a natural science" (pp. 146-153). His words are clear and need no extended exegesis. My comments about them will be brief. James (1892) begins with a puerile statement:  o I wished, by treating Psychology like a natural science, to help her to become  one (emphasis in the original, p. 146).
 The rest of the essay is naive scientism, ending with a lamentable confusion and equation of scientific "control" with social control, the "lawfulness" of natural events with the rule of political despotism:

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 Thomas Szasz
Szasz, T., "The Pretense of Psychology as Science: The Myth of Mental Illness
in Statu Nascendi," Current Psychology, 25: 42-49 (Spring), 2006.

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